×
Ergenekon Quo Vadis?
Paylaş
LinkedinFlipboardLinki KopyalaYazı Tipi
The additional indictment in the Ergenekon crime gang case is about to be released. It was expected two weeks ago and the media knew this. So the Istanbul Republic acting chief prosecutor’s denying some part of the information is not convincing.
The second Ergenekon indictment is given special importance because it is about retired generals such as Şener Eruygur and Hurşit Tolon, who served as force commanders, army commanders and commanders of war academies. It is approximately 1,000 pages. The information that some of the defendants attempted to oust the government through nondemocratic ways and organized Republic rallies in 2007 for the purpose is also included in the second indictment.
As soon as it is revealed, we have a chance to see whether or not the accusations are supported by concrete evidence. Announcement of the indictment has been delayed as questions have aroused about the future course of the Ergenekon case for the reason that no one is sure if the Ergenekon case is a legal payoff against the "military coup attempts."
An Ergenekon lawsuit process not targeting the coup attempts, such as "Moonlight" and the "Gold Coin" in 2003 and 2004, will unavoidably come to a deadlock at some point. Adequate amount of clues about the said military coup attempts are already included in the "Coup Diaries" associated with former Naval Force Commander Adm. Özden Örnek.
We don’t know yet if the "Coup Diaries" are in the second Ergenekon indictment. Will the "Coup Diaries" be a part of any Ergenekon indictment? We don’t know that either.
In the meantime, through "rhythmic" developments all the retired generals who are involved in the case were transferred from the prison in Silivri to the compassionate arms of the military hospitals. And that gives rise to suspicions that Ergenekon will be indeed a payoff time with the military coups.
At the 12th anniversary of the Feb. 28 process, presumably the last successful military coup, a series of activities were organized and the process became the subject of numerous articles. Is there any signal that the perpetrators of Feb. 28 will be taken to the court?
If the Ergenekon case does not take a direction to pursue the "military coup attempts" against the 2000s and against the current government, we cannot find a way for the prosecution of the Feb. 28 process, let alone the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup.
If the door is not closed on the military coups by means of "law and judicial process" but of "political power balances," that is if the Ergenekon does not pursue investigations on the "military coup attempts," having discussions about Feb. 28 and Sept. 12 today makes no sense. And in this case, talking about a "Constitution change" is unrealistic.
We shouldn’t forget that the 1982 Constitution, which stands as an obstacle in front of solutions to many problems and as a source of many questions, is the "product of a military coup." With this constitution, neither Turkey can be a democratic country nor can the rule of law be achieved in Turkey.
And the real obstruction before Turkey’s accession to the European Union is neither French President Nicolas Sarkozy nor his German counterpart Angela Merkel.
As long as the 1982 Constitution exists, there is no need for a "mine" search on Turkey’s way to the EU. Just for this very reasons and evocations, the Ergenekon issue is not an ordinary legal process. If it is not conducted as it should be, it still has to have a "boomerang" effect. And the "Ergenekon boomerang" may blackout Turkey’s future.
What could be the shortest definition of the Ergenekon? Having activities to topple down the elected government, to dysfunction Parliament and to create a coup environment by a military coup d’tat, it could be.What could seemingly provide the desired environment for a military coup? An environment of chaos, assassinations, sabotages and social upheavals. The Republic rallies in 2007 were the latter. Regardless of sincere feelings of the participants, the rallies were a tool envisaged by a "scenario" and by the screen writers to have a "military coup." The Ergenekon indictments can be convincing and effective if they are prepared in a way to reveal the "purpose" not only the "means" and if they are supported by concrete evidence.
An Ergenekon process, not including the "Coup Diaries," not pursuing the Feb. 28 process and not combining the Hrant Dink murder case with its own investigation phase, has a risk to be left half-done due to exhaustion.We cannot say that it will be so.But we can wish for not to be so.
As soon as it is revealed, we have a chance to see whether or not the accusations are supported by concrete evidence. Announcement of the indictment has been delayed as questions have aroused about the future course of the Ergenekon case for the reason that no one is sure if the Ergenekon case is a legal payoff against the "military coup attempts."
An Ergenekon lawsuit process not targeting the coup attempts, such as "Moonlight" and the "Gold Coin" in 2003 and 2004, will unavoidably come to a deadlock at some point. Adequate amount of clues about the said military coup attempts are already included in the "Coup Diaries" associated with former Naval Force Commander Adm. Özden Örnek.
We don’t know yet if the "Coup Diaries" are in the second Ergenekon indictment. Will the "Coup Diaries" be a part of any Ergenekon indictment? We don’t know that either.
In the meantime, through "rhythmic" developments all the retired generals who are involved in the case were transferred from the prison in Silivri to the compassionate arms of the military hospitals. And that gives rise to suspicions that Ergenekon will be indeed a payoff time with the military coups.
At the 12th anniversary of the Feb. 28 process, presumably the last successful military coup, a series of activities were organized and the process became the subject of numerous articles. Is there any signal that the perpetrators of Feb. 28 will be taken to the court?
If the Ergenekon case does not take a direction to pursue the "military coup attempts" against the 2000s and against the current government, we cannot find a way for the prosecution of the Feb. 28 process, let alone the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup.
If the door is not closed on the military coups by means of "law and judicial process" but of "political power balances," that is if the Ergenekon does not pursue investigations on the "military coup attempts," having discussions about Feb. 28 and Sept. 12 today makes no sense. And in this case, talking about a "Constitution change" is unrealistic.
We shouldn’t forget that the 1982 Constitution, which stands as an obstacle in front of solutions to many problems and as a source of many questions, is the "product of a military coup." With this constitution, neither Turkey can be a democratic country nor can the rule of law be achieved in Turkey.
And the real obstruction before Turkey’s accession to the European Union is neither French President Nicolas Sarkozy nor his German counterpart Angela Merkel.
As long as the 1982 Constitution exists, there is no need for a "mine" search on Turkey’s way to the EU. Just for this very reasons and evocations, the Ergenekon issue is not an ordinary legal process. If it is not conducted as it should be, it still has to have a "boomerang" effect. And the "Ergenekon boomerang" may blackout Turkey’s future.
What could be the shortest definition of the Ergenekon? Having activities to topple down the elected government, to dysfunction Parliament and to create a coup environment by a military coup d’tat, it could be.What could seemingly provide the desired environment for a military coup? An environment of chaos, assassinations, sabotages and social upheavals. The Republic rallies in 2007 were the latter. Regardless of sincere feelings of the participants, the rallies were a tool envisaged by a "scenario" and by the screen writers to have a "military coup." The Ergenekon indictments can be convincing and effective if they are prepared in a way to reveal the "purpose" not only the "means" and if they are supported by concrete evidence.
An Ergenekon process, not including the "Coup Diaries," not pursuing the Feb. 28 process and not combining the Hrant Dink murder case with its own investigation phase, has a risk to be left half-done due to exhaustion.We cannot say that it will be so.But we can wish for not to be so.
Paylaş
LinkedinFlipboardLinki KopyalaYazı Tipi
