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Is there progress in Cyprus talks? (II)
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The sides on the island have already agreed on the general outlines of what are the powers of the federal administration, which includes relations with the European Union, foreign and defense policies, monetary policies, taxation, the central bank, migration policies, federal crimes -- terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crime, money laundering and such -- natural resources, maritime and aviation affairs and such.
However, on the specifics of most of these headings the two sides still have rather contrasting positions, such as who owns the airports and ports, future of the existing two flight information region, or FIRs, the power of the constituent states to engage in international contacts and sign separate agreements. The sides have no agreement on the functions and powers of the central bank either. Furthermore, while the Turkish side defends that all sovereign powers apart from those the sides agree to transfer to the new federal administration - that is residual sovereignty - should rest with the two constituent states. Greek Cypriots, however, refuse to talk on residual sovereignty, saying such matters can come up only sides reach full agreement on issues pertaining to federal sovereignty.
Also, while the Turkish Cypriot side demands that under the "subsidiarity" principle application of some federal legislation should be left to the constituent states, the Greek Cypriot side refuses the "subsidiarity" principle all together and say it will be in the discretion of the federal government to decide to leave application of which laws to the founding states.
Regarding administration, the Turkish Cypriot side has been proposing a seven-member, four Greek Cypriot, three Turkish Cypriot, Swiss-type presidential council with a rotating president and which at the same time will be the council of ministers. The Greek Cypriot side insists on a presidential system with a president and a vice president from different "communities" elected for a five-year term and annual rotation on the basis of three years for Greek Cypriots, two years for Turkish Cypriots. President and vice president shall never be from the same community. There will be a nine-member council of ministers, composed of six Greek and three Turkish members.
There is no agreement on either the model or how the administration will be elected.
There appears to be an agreement between the sides that the foreign minister and interior minister should never come from the same constituent state. They as well apparently are in accord that the foreign minister and minister in charge of EU affairs should not come from the same founding state.
Though the two sides do not yet have full accord, they have achieved substantial understanding as regards the crisis resolution mechanism, high courts, which unlike the 1960 system should not have foreign representation.
As regards federal legislation, there is agreement between the two sides that the new federation will have a bicameral system; a senate and a house of representatives. While the upper house or senate will be composed of equal number of Greek and Turkish Cypriot senators, representing the political equality of the two constituent states, the lower house or house of representatives will be composed of representatives allocation according to the proportions of the populations of the two constituent states. The apparent disagreement here seems to be the ratio. While Turkish Cypriots demand that under any circumstances the number of Turkish Cypriot representatives should not be less than one-third of the overall seats, Greek Cypriots say Turkish Cypriot representation should not be less than one-quarter. This appears to be a breach-able disagreement. However, the sides have no agreement on the procedures of legislation with Greek Cypriots defending that simple majority must be enough as the lower house represents proportionate populations of constituent states, Turkish Cypriots demand a fixed ratio of two- fifths or one-quarter approval by Turkish Cypriot members to adopt a legislation.
The sides do not have as well full agreement how the elections will be held.
Regarding autonomous bodies such as the the office of the chief prosecutor, ombudsman, court of accounts, the central bank and the banking watchdog body the sides have almost full agreement that heads and deputies of these bodies should not come from the same constituent state. However, when it comes to the tenure and powers of these autonomous bodies the sides have minor differences. Now, may I ask, in view of what we wrote over the past two days, is there progress in the Cyprus talks?
Also, while the Turkish Cypriot side demands that under the "subsidiarity" principle application of some federal legislation should be left to the constituent states, the Greek Cypriot side refuses the "subsidiarity" principle all together and say it will be in the discretion of the federal government to decide to leave application of which laws to the founding states.
Regarding administration, the Turkish Cypriot side has been proposing a seven-member, four Greek Cypriot, three Turkish Cypriot, Swiss-type presidential council with a rotating president and which at the same time will be the council of ministers. The Greek Cypriot side insists on a presidential system with a president and a vice president from different "communities" elected for a five-year term and annual rotation on the basis of three years for Greek Cypriots, two years for Turkish Cypriots. President and vice president shall never be from the same community. There will be a nine-member council of ministers, composed of six Greek and three Turkish members.
There is no agreement on either the model or how the administration will be elected.
There appears to be an agreement between the sides that the foreign minister and interior minister should never come from the same constituent state. They as well apparently are in accord that the foreign minister and minister in charge of EU affairs should not come from the same founding state.
Though the two sides do not yet have full accord, they have achieved substantial understanding as regards the crisis resolution mechanism, high courts, which unlike the 1960 system should not have foreign representation.
As regards federal legislation, there is agreement between the two sides that the new federation will have a bicameral system; a senate and a house of representatives. While the upper house or senate will be composed of equal number of Greek and Turkish Cypriot senators, representing the political equality of the two constituent states, the lower house or house of representatives will be composed of representatives allocation according to the proportions of the populations of the two constituent states. The apparent disagreement here seems to be the ratio. While Turkish Cypriots demand that under any circumstances the number of Turkish Cypriot representatives should not be less than one-third of the overall seats, Greek Cypriots say Turkish Cypriot representation should not be less than one-quarter. This appears to be a breach-able disagreement. However, the sides have no agreement on the procedures of legislation with Greek Cypriots defending that simple majority must be enough as the lower house represents proportionate populations of constituent states, Turkish Cypriots demand a fixed ratio of two- fifths or one-quarter approval by Turkish Cypriot members to adopt a legislation.
The sides do not have as well full agreement how the elections will be held.
Regarding autonomous bodies such as the the office of the chief prosecutor, ombudsman, court of accounts, the central bank and the banking watchdog body the sides have almost full agreement that heads and deputies of these bodies should not come from the same constituent state. However, when it comes to the tenure and powers of these autonomous bodies the sides have minor differences. Now, may I ask, in view of what we wrote over the past two days, is there progress in the Cyprus talks?
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