A process that started with the ANAP administration established by Turgut Özal in 1983 is accelerating these days.
With Özal coming to power a "power struggle" between civilians and the military had started. The discussion was public: Who was to be more powerful, more effective, more outstanding? Was it those elected by people or those desired by the appointed military-civilian coalition?
Who was to speak the last word, the military or the civilian administration?
Özal did not bother the military. Instead of disagreeing with them he pulled them onto his side. He did not allow them to cross certain boundaries. For example, during Gen. Öztorun’s appointment to the Land Forces Command, Özal interfered in matters of the General Staff and limited its authority in appointments.
After Özal, the General Staff became stronger, especially during fights between Çiller and Yılmaz, and during the coalition between Çiller and Erbakan. The limitations implemented by Özal were lifted. The Feb. 28 interventions were the date of the Turkish Armed Forces, or TSK’s, establishment of crushing weight on civil administrations.
The Fethullah Gülen movement was driven into a corner and Gülen was forced to leave for the United States because of health problems. Political parties Refah and Fazilet lead by Erbakan were closed. The "National View" lived through its historical split and old accounts were settled by stripping off the "old clothes" to give birth to the AKP.
The period of taking the military under control started with Özal in 1983, and revived with Erdoğan coming to power in 2002.
The AKP coming to power after general elections in 2002 inflamed the fight between the military and civilian anew. This time they entered an obvious "power fight." For, Erdoğan was different. He is not as flexible as Özal. We all remember what we have experienced since 2002.
Coup preparations, presidential elections, attempts to close the AKP, the April 27 memorandum and the increase of AKP votes to 47 percent during elections in 2007, breaking a record. Within this period the Fethullah Gülen movement got itself together, got organized and became strong once more.
And the AKP became rich in a ratio no party ever had seen and obtained power in media never seen before.
On one side Republic meetings, on the other side the Ergenekon investigation and in return the Lighthouse case. The civil administration and the TSK drew their swords. To sweep conspiracies under the carpet both parties started to hit each other below the beltline.
In the period of 2006-2008 the AKP was saved from hanging. Now it has become stronger and calls the past to account, he is after revenge. The AKP has quite quickly gotten over the shock created by the danger of being closed and in 2008-2009 it has completely taken on an attitude of settling of accounts, to be more precise of taking revenge. It addressed the bill of events experienced in 2006-2008 to the TSK. And during this campaign it was not alone.
It was greatly supported by the Fethullah Gülen movement.
Three different elements contributed to the campaign’s power:
- the AKP and Gülen media carried out extremely effective publishing politics...
- the Doğan Group being under the government’s pressure and discouraging it...
- the European Union and United States, contrary to the Cold War, not supporting the military...
These are the impressions of what we experienced viewed from the outside, to be more precise, from the public.
Maybe intentions and purposes are very different but our picture of what we see is a "settling of accounts." It is understood that this settling of accounts won’t end easily. The AKP does not want to let go of this opportunity that it has obtained.
It is not sure where and when this escalation will end.
The AKP obtained an opportunity. It does not matter whether or not it is authenticÉ be it a conspiracy, or originate from the General Staff, it looks like it won’t let go of this "piece of paper" easily and will take it as far as it can.
And the opposition stirs the fire to crash the AKP’s image of "the military always beats us" by provoking the government.
"Let’s see you change the General Staff, you are authorized." The military experiences increasing difficulties because it keeps repeating itself but does not get beyond defending the institution against "smear campaigns."
No party intends to change its position. Nobody gives in.
Escalation continues like that.
The civil administration breaks the military’s arm and calculates how to eliminate its effectiveness.
The military fights in order not to lose its power. Whoever stands up to this process will win. Actually what scares me the most is the increased possibility for accidents on this road. I wonder if it will be settled by the National Security Council, or MGK, today or whether this struggle will be put on hold for some time. This is very important from the view of the MGK.