Disarmament negotiations started

If you pile up recent events, like words spoken by the Chief of General Staff Gen. Başbuğ, statements by Prime Minister Erdoğan, speeches from Washington and foremost by President Obama, views from the European Union, and then add Karayılan’s declaration, you’ll find a very clear picture.

The picture I’m looking at is very clear:

Conditions and balances in the region have changed quite a bit compared to former years. Today an international environment has emerged based on Washington and the European Union. The PKK is pressured to put down its weapons and carry out their issues on a political platform and through peaceful actions. Besides, those supporting the organization who understood that armed attacks and murder do not lead anywhere also warn PKK leaders that it is enough now and ask them to trade their weapons for a political struggle.

The Turkish public is also fed up with terror. It has gotten tired and is looking for a way out of this vicious cycle. The military and politicians have rolled up their sleeves to take advantage of this opportunity. That is why a "door of opportunities" has been opened. The sooner we enter that door, the fewer people will die, a bleeding wound will heal, our way will be paved. Turkey will be the star of the region. But if we again like in 1993 or 1999 miss out on the opportunity, then there will be more blood shed then ever. We will remain where we are and be the ones to lose. That’s why Ankara is excited.

In Arbil and finally also in the Kandil mountains, people are making plans to step through this door. What’s not known is: how to jump over the doorstep.

The prerequisite for jumping over the doorstep and starting a new period together is for the two parties to meet and talk. But at least one of the two parties is not sitting down at the negotiation table. It is even reluctant to appear as if it is sitting at the table. It can’t bring itself to do so. Thus the classic system steps in. First steps are taken through the media. Turkish authorities make statements through the media. The military makes declarations and puts forth its opinion. And Karayılan interprets developments in his personal way through chats with Cemal. He puts forth his own views.

As you see, first contacts start this way.

To read Karayılan’s words as "a struggle of a terror leader to cheat the Turkish public" would be very wrong. We need to read between the lines and accept that extremely important messages are given as well as information is supplied that goes beyond the ordinary. We are not obligated to accept it, but while listening to the other party, we get other insights regarding the PKK.

"Words like the PKK putting down its weapons are nonsense. It should, but where and how? To whom? What’s the grounds for putting down weapons? There is no use in saying that. Let’s first sit down and talk. The PKK is not like it used to be. Compared to old times, the PKK is now more reasonable. For example, formerly it wanted an independent Kurdish state. This was in the past. It no longer is a ’separatist.’ We want the Kurds to live equal and free within the boundaries of the Turkish Republic.

I’d like to make that clear. This is not a tactic. The period of separation as a cast out of an independent state, started in 1993 and ended with İmralı in 1999 [the date of the capture of Öcalan[. The paradigm changed. É Now we say ’a democratic, autonomous Kurdistan.’ By autonomous we don’t mean a federation. There won’t be new borders drawn. It’s a solution that does not violate the unity of the state. But the local administration act has to change and local administrations strengthened."

I repeat, we might not believe in his statements and see it as a delusion. And even request the PKK to show that it changed in a more concrete way. Or be extra careful.

And we might be right in being this suspicious. But if we want to take the opportunity that came before us and take a step toward success, we need to evaluate all views carefully and find a mutual way.

When simplifying Karayılan’s words we see different headlines and views:

PKK’s road map

w The PKK has changed. It’s not the way it used to be. It is not after independence anymore. It wants to live equally and free within the boundaries of Turkey.

w We don’t ask for a federation, either. Instead, we want places where we have majority of votes to be under our local administration.

w Let’s first silence weapons. We have done that and do not use weapons to attack anymore. We use them to defend ourselves. We shoot them when the military comes at us. We put weight on mass activity, civil disobedience and political activity. That’s why we don’t attack and in return the military should not attack us.

w You should recognize our cultural rights related to our Kurdish identity. For this, you need to change the related laws.

w The project, which some call "amnesty" and we call "social consensus," should be brought to life. Let’s forget the tyranny we have done to each other, let’s forgive each other.

w We could use the Kurdish conference as a method. The result from this conference cannot only be "PKK to put down its weapons." But we could reach a general consensus.

As I said upfront, if we leave all fear aside we might conclude from Karayılan’s words that the PKK has started to see important facts. These words are not former words. The administration is not the former administration. We should not expect the Turkish public to believe these words. For, the pain is very deep. It is inevitable that the organization will show a correct and sincere attitude.

Up until then formal authority needs to take careful steps and weigh the value of this statement in order not to miss out on the opportunity at hand. As I stated in my article yesterday, the most realistic person to do this would be Barzani.