Yusuf Kanlı

The Islamist analyst was explaining on a "private" TV channel the difference between the "physical" and the "socio-cultural" borders of a country. He was stressing that while the physical borders of the country are marked firmly and can be seen with dotted lines on the world political map, the socio-cultural borders go well beyond those physical borders and that the socio-cultural Turkey spans deep into other countries of our geography. He explained that there were more Bosnians in Turkey than those living in Bosnia, more Albanians than those living in Albania, more Chechens than those in Chechnya and more Abkhaz than people living in Abkhazia.

While other participants of the program on the "private" channel -- which though established by the ruling Justice and Development Party, or the AKP -- were looking at him with great admiration and appreciation the Islamist analyst continued: "If Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan travels today to Gaza, I am sure he will receive a more spectacular welcome than he would receive in any Turkish city. Why? Because Turkey has a very wide socio-cultural territory and we have to realize our responsibilities for this vast geography."

Could there be a better explanation of the neo-Ottomanist political jargon of the current Turkish government than this?

In a country where whatever bad is wanted to be associated with patriotism, nationalism and Kemalism it would be absurd of course if the "Islamist democrat" speakers -- which included the best-informed Ergenekon informant who developed the skill of reporting days in advance whose turn has come to be taken in -- failed to establish a link between the "traditional conservative Turkish foreign policy" and the objections to the present-day "proactive" and "neo-Ottomanist" foreign policy concept that "successfully" geared Turkey into the league of Iran, Syria and Hamas.

The prime minister was right, according to the speakers, in complaining that the "mon chŽr"s (or "Monşers", a term used in slang Turkish to ridicule Foreign Ministry bureaucrats admiring the West and who do nothing but entertain themselves at receptions) were unable to understand the "noble" attitude taken with the Davos walk out because they were still acting with the Cold War mentality and were supporting a "protectionist" foreign policy line rather than the "pro-active" approach of the AKP government that "has started" to make Turkey a "regional power." The Ergenekon gang, therefore, according to the speakers, was a last bid effort of the conservative and protectionist elements in the society, including the military, who objected Turkey becoming a Muslim democracy capable of playing a key role as a big regional power in a vast socio-cultural neo-Ottomanist sphere rather than remaining as a dwarf anchored forever to the West but never becoming a full-fledged integrated element of the West.

Criticism becomes a taboo
Turkey, however, has become a key regional power, according to the speakers, that has become the key country that should and can play a very important role in resolving the three big problems of the world: Cyprus, Jerusalem and Kashmir. Right, Turkey can play a role in Cyprus. For Jerusalem, or the Arab-Israeli conflict, Turkey has been trying to become a mediator for a long time, but time will show the terrible impact of the Davos show off on such a role by Turkey. Regarding Pakistan-Israel rapprochement Turkey played a key role, but how can Turkey play a role in the resolution of Kashmir if both Pakistan and India are against such a role by Ankara?

Naturally, the speakers were united in condemning the writers and analysts who did not share their neo-Ottomanist hallucinations as "worst than foreign foes" of Turkey because at a time when the Turkish premier demonstrated an "honorable" stance and "defended the honor and pride" of the country at an international event, everyone must have united in support of him. Naturally, this approach was a product of a similar statement by Erdoğan himself who condemned as aligning with a "hostile moderator" those who criticized his Davos walk out as incompatible with statesmanlike attitude. Hold on! Criticism of Erdoğan is a taboo!

Territorial expansionism cost this country and nation a lot. Cultural expansionism may cost a lot as well. Rather than compelling itself into the league of Hamas, Syria and Iran with cheap antagonistic tactics and yelling at international forums, Turkey must find new tools to play a role in resolution of regional conflicts.

The Davos walkout by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan might be evaluated from two totally opposing perspectives.

While it could be argued that the Turkish premier could not stand to gross injustice, the misrepresentation of facts and a terrible moderation by a rather biased moderator; on the other hand it could be said that what happened in Davos was a typical manifestation of the rather macho and Kasımpaşa style of Erdoğan which cannot be accommodated well with either norms and principles of international diplomacy, nor with the modern culture of discussion.

What he said might not be so diplomatically formulated. How he said as well might be rather apolitical as well. His words were indeed translating the feelings of the majority of Turks at home and majority of the people in the Muslim world against the brutal aggression Israel unleashed last month over the Gaza Strip.Erdoğan was definitely frustrated with the fiasco of moderator David Ignatius. He was definitely not only frustrated with what he considered a gross misrepresentation of the facts about the Gaza war by the Israeli president, but angered as well with Shimon Peres speaking in a manner and with a rather high voice as if he was yelling at him.

The “No one should have expected the Turkish premier put up with an insult and not respond. Turkey is a big country. The premier has delivered the appropriate response,” comment of President Abdullah Gül was in effect reflecting the general mood in Turkey. As was demonstrated with a grand welcome ceremony at Istanbul airport, Erdoğan has become a hero of the masses – not only in Turkey – disgruntled with the “hypocrite” and “pro-Israeli” West. Indeed, “He delivered the right message, with the right wording,” was more or less the summary of the reaction in Turkey, and in the Muslim world where state censorship allowed the response of the Turkish premier to the Israeli president and his walkout in protest of the biased moderator find its way into the living rooms through TV sets.

Hero of the day

Still, Erdoğan is the hero of the day in the Muslim world. In Gaza yesterday, tomorrow in Damascus, Tehran, Yemen and perhaps in Islamabad and Jakarta Muslim demonstrators will carry his portraits in “down with Israel” demonstrations. The neo-Ottomanist advisers of the prime minister will perhaps celebrate Erdoğan for the immense outpour of support for him throughout the Muslim world. Many analysts, particularly in the allegiant media, perhaps pen articles alluring and praising the new-found immense popularity of Turkey among the Muslim masses. Some pen-slingers will perhaps go to the extent of declaring “A new Nasser is born.”

And, in Turkey, what happened in Davos will of course help Erdoğan gain better ground in the battle ahead of the March 29 local polls between his Justice and Development Party, or AKP, and the Felicity Party, or SP, of Professor Numan Kurtuluş in wooing the conservative voters by exploiting the Gaza developments.

But, what about the day after?

Sentiments and emotions will die down soon and the perennial atmosphere of distrust towards Turkey and Turkish leaders will emerge once again in Muslim societies. Leaders of the Arab countries, anyhow, will work hard to diffuse the pro-Turkish sentiments in their societies. However, the image of the angry Turkish premier walking out of a discussion, in a manner that suggests he were the advocate of Hamas.

Beyond doubt, the Constitutional Court is the master of its own agenda and it should be none of the business of some fastidious writers to attempt to set the agenda of the high court. When the high court handles an issue; how it handles an issue; and what decision it takes on an issue must all be defined in the procedures of trial at the highest court of the country the prime task of which is to look into compatibility of the parliamentary legislation to the text and spirit of the Constitution. One general principle of justice is "Late justice is itself injustice." The high court, obviously, is as well making judicial rulings even though its verdicts often has an impacts on the evolution of politics or conduct of politics in the country.

The high court may handle, discuss, examine and finalize a closure case against one party in five months, while it may not conclude a similar case filed against another party at a much earlier date though well over a year has passed since the chief prosecutor of the Court of Appeals made the closure application. As the chief judge of the top court admitted in reading out the 10-1 verdict that condemned the ruling party as the focus of anti-secular activities but stopped short of closing it down "for conjectural reasons," the pertaining conjectural reasons, obviously, don’t allow closure of the other party before the March 29 vote.

Hold on! This writer is not saying that the court should close down the other party, the pro-Kurdish one which unfortunately has been in bed with the separatist Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, gang rather than becoming a really civilian political party engaged in politics. On the contrary, perhaps it is in the best interest of the nation to keep it open and give politics yet another opportunity for an invigorated effort for a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish problem. However, the pro-Kurdish party, or the Democratic Society Party, has been providing the high court with such hard evidence about its support for the separatist gang that if and when the court makes a decision on the closure case against that party it will be really very difficult to save that party.

Late justice is injustice, but better late than never
On June 3, 2005 despite earlier presidential veto the AKP majority in Parliament legislated for a second time a law allowing "technical surveillance" of the entire nation by a "telecommunications communication department" within the Telecommunications High Board. Under the law the head of that board would be appointed by the prime minister among candidate/s nominated by the Telecommunications High Board chairman. Furthermore, supervision of the "technical surveillance" activities would be done by an individual or commission appointed by the prime minister.

As Sezer had vetoed the first version of the legislation and the AKP majority re-enacted it without making any change into its text, the presidency had no other option but sign it into law and apply to the Constitutional Court and demand its annulment. So did Sezer. However, for the past more than 3.5 years the high court did not consider the issue as one it must give priority and the entire nation was placed under "technical surveillance." The situation turned into such a tragicomedy that even the judge presiding the special Silivri Prison Tribunal looking the Ergenekon case joked to defendants complaining their telephones were listened to saying "Who knows I am not listened to as well?"

Yesterday, the high court woke up, started discussing the demand of Sezer for the annulment of the law. The court ruled that it was unconstitutional to give the prime minister the right to appoint a "telecommunications communication director" as well as a person or commission to supervise that department and director. That is, the court said such arbitrary powers were unconstitutional. Furthermore, the court decided to handle an appeal by a Manisa court challenging constitutionality of technical surveillance of the nation.

If the high court does not go to sleep again and makes a ruling soon on the appeal of the Manisa court and if it declares as "unconstitutional" the wholesale technical surveillance of the nation, then we will be able to say "Yes, there are still judges in this country."

Middle of the night. Several hundred workers packed for the night shift in front of the "staff entrance" gate of a tire factory in Thracian Turkey. Some workers entered, some could not understand why the revolving electronic bar did not read their electronic car and refused to allow them in. Several minutes later a shy foreman delivered them the bitter news of the night: "Those workers who are not allowed in by the electronic gate are unfortunately dismissed from work because of the economic crisis. Compensation for those sacked will be calculated by the accounting office within days. It will be announced soon when compensation of the dismissed will be deposited to their bank accounts."

That was it. Some have been working at that plant for the past 15 years. Some had kids going to school; some were just married... Like thousands of other workplaces in the country, their factory was as well hit by the decrease in demand for its products because of the "tangentially passing crisis" and was compelled to cut from expenses in a last bid to survive these difficult days. Next morning, the sacked workers gathered in front of the factory for a protest demonstration. Several hours later they dispersed silently, tears pouring out of their eyes as they hugged the lucky ones still having a job and bid farewell. At a time when all businesses were shrinking and sacking their personnel how would they find new jobs?

Ahmet, an over 40-year-old father of three kids, two of them at the high school, one still at the primary school, spent several hours idle in the streets of the town together with Hasan, yet another sacked foreman. Earlier that evening he was a foreman joking on the company bus with his team. Now, he and his team were without work. If he did not have kids at school, perhaps he would return to his village and somehow survive thanks to strong family bonds. But, what he should do now? He never ever heard about derivatives or the mortgage system. He did not play any role in the mortgage crisis in the United States that triggered this global crisis. But now he was without work because of the crisis. "Hasan," he said, "Was not our company doing great over the past many years?" Hasan, in deep depression as his electronic pass was rebuffed by the revolving iron gate, said: "Sure it did! Don’t you remember, just at the beginning of last year our company reported so many millions dollars of net revenue? What did we receive from that huge revenue at the time? Just a ’We did well last year, your efforts are appreciated’ note on a box of chocolates distributed before the Bayram. Now, things are going bad and we are paying the cost of a shrinking market by losing our jobs. Why? The boss wants to keep the profitability of the factory at a certain level!"

Few days later the sacked workers received their compensation pay. They could survive on it for some time, but was there an end to the crisis in sight? Will they be able to find new jobs before the small amount of money in their hands vanishes in thin air? "We are lucky," said Ahmet, "At least we received some money in compensation and we can live on it for some time... What about those whose firms that collapsed and they found themselves without work and money all of a sudden?

No work, no hope
Fikret was relatively luckier than Ahmet, Hasan and many other workers. He was not rebuffed at the entrance of his work place by an electronic revolving door. He was working with a catering company. To put it more correctly, he was a tea boy. He was getting slightly higher than the government-fixed minimum wage. But, his boss was courageous enough to look into his eyes and say "Fikret, I am so sorry but I have to cut from expenses. I have to cut staff by one-third. I hope to work with you one day again... Fikret was married five months ago. He and his wife had plans, but thank God no child yet. He has been with that catering company for the past 11 months. Where he would go now? The crisis struck him "tangentially" as wellÉ But, he and his wife could live on the support from village for some time...

The government had finally agreed to make a new stand-by deal with the International Monetary Fund, or IMF. The IMF, however, was apparently worried that the government might use the credit extended for some populist projects ahead of the March local polls and intending to conclude the deal after the polls.

Hurrah folks! If it is not a joke, the number of men folk in the Turkish population has exceeded that of the women according to latest statistics. Though no one can bet on the accuracy of Turkish statistics, latest figures show that the male population of the country has reached 35,901,154 and thus exceeded the women population of 35,615,946 by 285,208 in the overall Turkish population of 71,517,100. If the assumption that women live longer than men is correct, we perhaps must have a higher number of women in our society. Perhaps our men have evolved and are now living longer! Or, if we have a shortage of over a quarter of a million men in our society compared to the number of women we have, shall we assume that some families did not register their daughters? Well, don’t raise your eyebrows, is it not a reality of this country’s rural areas to totally ignore the existence of girls? Is it not a fact that in rural Turkey a father of, let’s say, five children, three girls and two boys, most often reply to the question "How many kids you have?" saying "Two." Or, is it not a fact that despite 85 years of state efforts as well as campaigns by civil society, there is still an incredible high rate of illiteracy among the women population of the country?

If, according to the Turkish Statistical Institute, or TÜİK, report, some 75 percent of Turks were now living in cities, that means most Turkish cities, headed by Istanbul, have become big villages. That is rather than urbanization through migration, our high rate of migration from the rural to the urban has unfortunately turned cities to big villages. Thus, with cities turning to big villages, the traditions and the conservative world view of the rural Turkey started dominating the cities as well. While this element can best be seen in the advance of Islamist and conservative elements in the politics of the country, it is manifesting itself as well with the establishment of rural ghettos in the cities. Failure of the left to recognize and cater to the expectations of these rural ghettos in cities is perhaps one of the fundamental reasons behind the sad situation of Turkish left today while political groups established along community lines prospered and clinched to the administration of the country.

Electoral list comedy
At a time when in less than 18 months somehow the number of Turks eligible to vote was inflated, pardon increased by over 6 million compared to the electoral lists prepared for the July 22 polls while estimated population first readjusted in 2007 from 73 million to 70.5 million, the statement of the TÜİK, that according to electronic address-based population registration system the actual population of Turkey as of Dec. 31, 2008 was 71,517,100 one cannot stop but wonder whether we have some aliens registered as voters and that is why we have such a huge jump in the number of registered eligible voters.Total confusion, is it not? How it happens that from 2007 to 2009 we have 6 million new voters, but around 1 million increase in the overall population? Even if we assume as correct the estimations that some 1.5 million new voters were added to the eligible voter population, where did the remaining 4.5 million came? Besides, were not there any deaths in the country over the past year? Was the traffic monster on leave? Were not there any murders or natural deaths in the country in 2007 and 2008?

At least, figures prove we are not a rabbit nation
Latest figures demonstrate at least that indeed Turks are not a rabbit nation to multiply so fast in 18 months and increase by 6 million. Thus, these figures underline as well that there ought to be a mistake Ñ which indeed demonstrated also by widespread complaints of unknown people being registered at some empty lots or at addresses of some other people while many people are missing on the lists Ñ in this address-based registration system. Either the TÜİK personnel chose the easy way of fabrication or some people manipulated these records for some political aims. The more statistical data TÜİK releases on population, the more we are getting confused. This incompatibility in figures must be answered by TÜİK. This electronic address-based registration system needs to be verified by an independent research by a group of academics before we can indeed use it as a base in preparing electoral lists. Otherwise, elections that will be held with lists prepared by TÜİK based on these records will all be tainted or will all be susceptible to electoral fraud.

Jewish organizations in the United States are fuming in anger over what they consider incitement to anti-Semitism by the Turkish premier. Recently, five U.S. Jewish groups sent a letter to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and expressed their concern over a rise in anti-Semitic events in Turkey. In the jointly signed letter, leaders of prominent Jewish organizations listed a series of anti-Semitic protests in Turkey in the last few weeks, including anti-Jewish propaganda posters in Istanbul, the defacing of a synagogue in Izmir and protesters outside the Israeli consulate in Istanbul expressing anti-Jewish sentiments, the letter calls on Erdoğan "to urgently address these disturbing developments." The letter further stressed that "Our Jewish friends in Turkey feel besieged and threatened. A connection is clearly perceived between the inflammatory denunciation of Israel by Turkish officials and the rise of anti-Semitism."

Indeed, a reflection of what was stressed in the joint letter to Erdoğan by the leading five Jewish-American establishments was seen in an article published in daily Radikal last week. The article, penned by Leyla Navaro, a writer and an academic with the Boğazici University, was explaining in some very bitter words how because of the rising anti-Semitism in the Turkish society the Turkish Jews were alienated from the rest of the country and indeed were being branded as "others" just because on the religion section of their identity document it was written as "Jewish."

At a time when Turks are remembering nowadays because of a film what had happened on Sept. 6 to 7, 1955 to the Greek Orthodox minority of Istanbul Ñ a shameful period of recent Turkish history when the small Greek minority of Istanbul was attacked by a mob, allegedly incited to violence by some deep-state elements, and eventually most members of the minority felt compelled to move to Greece Ñ it was natural, of course, for the remaining tiny Jewish minority of the country to be alarmed with what appears to be an anti-Semitic sentiment in the country after Erdoğan described Israel’s aggression on the Gaza Strip as a "humanitarian disgrace".

Turks are condemning Israeli aggression, not Jews
While there has never been anti-Semitism in Turkey like that in the United States or in continental Europe, it is a fact that though small, particularly among the conservative sections of the Turkish society there has been a deprecation of the Israeli state, very much like the same attitude among Muslim Arab masses. For the vast majority of Turks, our Jewish citizens are an integrated and loyal element. Turks taking to the streets to protest the atrocities committed by the Israeli state, not the Jewish people as part of an anti-Semitic campaign. What we have nowadays, however, is neither anti-Semitism or a deprecation of the Israeli state but rather a reflection of the prime minister developing a sense based on drawing parallels between his political background and that of the Hamas and coming up with pro-Hamas statements; ignoring how Hamas provoked Israel but instead focusing on the "right of Hamas" to have a say because of the high electoral support it received in the last Palestinian elections.

According to Erdoğan he was denied of his political rights in 2002 when his party came to power with an overwhelming electoral success. At the time it took months and only after the main opposition Republican People’s Party, or CHP, collaborated with the ruling party Erdoğan’s political rights were restored, he was elected to Parliament through a disputable election and became the prime minister. Now, the premier believes that the right of Hamas to govern Palestinians must be recognized; Israel, the European Union and the United States should abide with the norms of democracy and recognize the right of Hamas to govern Palestinians as an elected government. That is, the prime minister has mixed up the immense suffering of Palestinian people in Gaza with the "denial" of Hamas "right to govern" as an elected government. He cares less the fact that Hamas did not renounce violence; did not recognize the Oslo process under the terms of which elections were held and has been refusing to recognize the existence of the Israeli state Ñ a reality which along with the Palestinian right to statehood must be acknowledged if peace will ever come to the Mideast.

Life was coming to a standstill. People were even adjusting their flight hours to make sure that they can watch at least at the airport the new episode of it. On average 15 to 16 people were being killed, scores were wounded, tortured in every episode of it. It was the "Valley of the Wolves," TV series. The serial was so "successful" that when because of protests scriptwriters were first compelled to reduce violence in it and later briefly suspended, its producers immediately shot a film version of it, "Valley of the Wolves-Iraq" in which the humiliating hood incident against Turkish soldiers at the Suleymaniyeh town of northern Iraq by American forces in 2003 was reciprocated with an operation by the alleged "deep state" elements headed by Polat Alemdar.

Thus, while the official Turkey could not say anything worth to mention to the United States regarding the hood humiliation, the "deep state" Turkey of Alemdar delivered the Americans an equally humiliating response.

Last week, Atilla Olgaç, one of the actors starring in the serial was participating in one of those many morning programs aimed for the women, particularly housewives, audience. Halfway through the program Olgaç, probably just to attract some attention, started to make what appeared to be a late confession. He reportedly said that he killed 10 Greek Cypriots during the 1974 Cyprus operation of Turkey, the first being an 19-year-old prisoner, whose hands were tied. He claimed that the prisoner spat on his face and his commander asked him to punish the prisoner and kill him and see the difference between killing in real life and killing on the stage as an actor.

Even war has rules
In a war unfortunately the rule has been that you either kill or get killed. However, under international rules covering warfare, put aside killing prisoners whose hands are tied, even bad treatment of prisoners is a war crime and those who are involved in such heinous actions must be punished severely.

The Greek and Greek Cypriot public, for obvious reasons, were outraged with the nauseous and deplorable "revelations" of actor Olgaç after the remark of the actor made bold headlines in newspapers of both two countries. Of course, while in total ignorance of the pain of the families of missing persons we may just say "What is this fuss in the Greek Cypriot side? Why they are making so much noise over what an actor said?" we may as well try to make an empathy and try to understand the individual and communal psychology and the trauma scratched with the words of Olgaç.

In Cyprus, there are about 500 Turkish Cypriot missing persons, all presumed dead by the Turkish Cypriot state to bring an end to the sorrow of their families, from the 1963 to 1974 attacks on Turkish Cypriots and some 1,500 missing Greek Cypriots from the 1974 Athens-backed coup against the then Makarios government and the ensuing Turkish intervention. Furthermore, because that the Greek Cypriot government has been trying to exploit the missing persons issue and refusing to declare them dead, the Greek Cypriot people were made to believe that there might still be some Greek Cypriot prisoners living at a Turkish prison. Thus, Olgaç’s words were like bullets into the chests of families still looking for their missing beloved ones.

Olgaç withdrew his remark a day later and claimed that no such incident happened; he indeed wrote and played during that morning program. People who somehow knew about the 20-day service of Olgaç in Cyprus during the intervention declared that he was so scared of the war that his commanders had assigned him to the kitchen to pile potatoes.

The Olgaç case, however, must be investigated by the Turkish military and a satisfactory statement must be made. If indeed Olgaç committed such a war crime, he must be punished. Otherwise, he must be made to pay for the shameful remark he made just to attract some attention.

And we should not yell at Greek Cypriots and accuse them of trying to exploit Olgaç’s words. This is a very sensitive issue and just like the pain we have in our hearts for the missing Turkish Cypriots, even after 35 years there is still pain in the hearts of the families of the Greek Cypriot missing peoples.

Thursday witnessed the 11th wave of Ergenekon detentions, house and office arrests. For the first time, for more than 12 hours, headquarters of a major opposition TV channel was searched by anti-terror police squads. It was as if we were watching a modern-day adaptation of a black and white film from Adolf Hitler’s Germany or Benito Mussolini’s Italy. Yes, there was one, perhaps two marked difference between what we lived and what the communists in Italy or Jews in Germany had lived during those horrible years that no one would like to remember now but for obvious reasons just can’t do...

The first marked difference was during those years there was no TV. Thus ambushes on houses of the Jews or communists and the mass detentions were not done after as part of a psychological warfare the allegiant media was tipped beforehand and given time to gather in front of the house or office to be ambushed either by the notorious Schutzstaffel, or SS, forces of Hitler or the Ovra, an institutionalized secret police, of the Mussolini regime.

Psychological warfare during those times was mostly conducted by radio and leaflets, not by allegiant TV stations and a web of newspapers. Now, several hours before the house of a former top prosecutor was ambushed, the prosecutor and the rest of the society learn from the official TV channel of the state about what would happen within the next few hours.

Hitler’s propaganda master Paul Joseph Goebbels would envy the methods applied in the current propaganda war. Is it conceivable in any other country for a state-owned TV channel to broadcast for four hours a live interview with a fugitive who escaped to Canada and allow him make unverified accusations against leading political opponents of the government, former top generals, leading academics and use the TV screen to blackmail some eminent journalists and publishers?

A second marked difference is while we are complaining of gross violation of the procedures of trial by the Turkish prosecutor and judges, neither in Hitler’s Germany nor in Mussolini’s Italy, there was obligation to follow any procedures in detention, arrest, trial and even voluntary executions or mass killings.

Everyone living in fear
However, the way the present day psychological warfare is conducted in Turkey against elements refusing to enter into allegiance with the government appears to be as successful as the methods of Goebbels as well as the Ovra of Mussolini. People are either silenced or are talking with very low voice. It is a fact that people are scared with the waves of detentions, house arrests and intentional humiliation of respected personalities of the society.

People are scared. The country has been turned into an empire of fear. On Thursday afternoon, while the police search in the ART and Türk-Metal Trade Union buildings were still continuing, I spent several hours with some friends from the Ankara diplomatic community at a cafe on the Köroğlu avenue. I was explaining to the diplomat friends that people have developed a fear that their telephones might as well be listened by police, they might as well be taken in and that people are becoming more and more reluctant to criticize the government.

A diplomat friend asked whether I had a "genuine fear" that I might be taken in as well. No, I said, one may have genuine fear if he is involved in crime, but as the Ergenekon probe is being conducted it just appears to me and many other people that it is highly probable that anyone can be taken in just because someone mentioned your name in a telephone conversation.

The cafe was crowded, music was loud, discussion was interesting and I did not hear ringing of my mobile. After three hours, all of a sudden, a friend who knew I might be probably at that address dashed in with a white face. "Why are not you answering your telephone?" he said angrily.

"We thought something might have happened to you!" I checked my phone, there were 16 unanswered calls from my wife, daughter living in Amsterdam and friends from many parts of the country. Apparently one of them could not reach me, called some others and triggered an "alert" about my status...

What is this? Is it not a manifestation of the state of fear we are living through?