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Ergenekon will make life difficult for AKP
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If the Ergenekon case aims to judge coup provocateurs in Turkey or to block coup processes in Turkey forever then in principle I believe in this case and support it. I wouldn’t want coups and military provocations to be left unpunished.
But I oppose the method, the attitude that crosses the line between opposition and coup, and the boorishness in judgment and police mechanisms. The below article is an identification. Please read it within this frame of mind and don’t infer any needless meaning from it. The Ergenekon case stuns us all. It might be extremely transparent to some of us but an important part of the public does not quite understand the "organization" yet. The connection between its founders, members and leaders are not fully understood by anyone. When the public encountered it for the first time it was introduced as "an organization that consists of people or groups who were planning act to provoke and split society, and create chaos in order to pave the way for a military coup."
The first indictment consisting of 2,500 pages was enough to create question marks regarding the identity of people taken in custody. For, some of the organizations founders, leaders and members were fighting among themselves. Their focus was their diametrically opposing views under the national umbrella. It was difficult to label some part as "pro-coup or coup conspirator." On top of that the first indictment included thousands of personal telephone conversations rather than concrete evidence. Some of them were convincing and some smelled like a conspiracy theory. There was no concrete evidence that led to a coup. There were weapons and bombs but wasn’t there need for pro-coup people? There were Özden Örnek’s diaries but he wasn’t even a witness.
Then there were new detentions, new unexpected searches. It was as if each search led to new documents and despite the fact that the case already started it was perceived as if the investigation continued with "new searches and detentions." There were people among those taken into custody where one thought they’d never get together for such an event. This at least was the perception in the public. The indictment is talking about an incredible conspiracy theory and is drawing very strong groups into it.
The other factor drawing one’s attention in the indictment was the incredible courage of the prosecutors and their violation of accustomed investigation principles. While in another event Ğ Şemdinli Ğ prosecutors were easily punished, eyes were shut here. One other aspect we are accustomed to is that investigations are conducted by prosecutors, and searches and detentions are left to the police. This time, on the contrary, it seemed as if the police were in charge of the investigations. One other belief of the public is that in big investigations like these the administration always has a say and no prosecutor could dare taking such brave steps, especially arresting 4-star generals without the support of the administration. The leaking of information regarding investigations, which are supposed to be carried out secretly, to the pro-AKP press and its judgment therein increased fingerprints of the administration. Especially an announcement regarding the accusations against the Ministry of Education during the 12th Ergenekon wave along the lines of "They spoke to upper level members of the Ergenekon over the phone" intensified the shadow of the administration in this case.
Result: The Ergenekon case was nothing but a campaign conducted by the judiciary in the name of the AKP aiming to silence the opposition.
But the second indictment showed the seriousness of the matter: for the first time coup diaries were included. Coup preparations in 2003-2004 and real coup attempts were possibly to be brought before the court. The second indictment caused coup attempts to be viewed in a more transparent way. Allegations in the Ergenekon case have become more concrete.
Where did the 12th wave come from?
While the situation became more serious the 12th wave emerged. The Association for Supporting Contemporary Living might have been "pro-coup" in the eyes of the prosecutors but in the eyes of the secular public it is an association that provides education for poor children. The chairwoman Türkan Saylan is a person who says," Neither coup nor Shariah." The ripping into shreds of this association by the 12th wave of the investigation put everything out of balance. The same prosecutor discharging an important part of those taken into custody after their testimony was considered very strange. Suspicions of the Ergenekon case being an operation aiming to silence the opposition were raised again.
At this point people ask the same questions: How long will this go on? How far will this go?
This case has been extended so much, it has branched out so much and it has become so chaotic that it has reached a point where one doesn’t know how to get out of it. It seems extremely difficult for judges to solve such a chaotic investigation. But prosecutors seem so self-confident. They still leak information firstly to pro-AKP media and continue with detentions without considering and attaching importance to the secular public. But today criticism has expanded so much that a basic question arises: Is the AKP’s support really unlimited? I don’t think so. There are two years left until general elections. This case progressing at this speed is a sign of a danger for the case not only in secular or opposing sections of society but also for those close to the administration receiving reactions like "the methods of the prosecution are wrong."
When the Ergenekon investigation started, the AKP front was very self-confident. Pro-coup people were to be judged for the first time and those "untouchable" were to be touched. But the investigation is stretching and fails to meet its target. Governments are very realistic institutions. When things go well they provide support but when things turn around they pull the string. Ergenekon prosecutors have not much time left.
If they fail to conclude this investigation in the short run and fail to turn this case into a case in which "pro-coup people come to account," then their strings will be pulled just like the prosecutor in Şemdinli. Prosecutor Öz must have thought about this possibility when last week he said that "one day his competencies might be suspended temporarily."
The Ergenekon case will either concentrate around itself and in a narrow frame or lose speed progressively. The case will turn into the DİSK case and be forgotten slowly. And prosecutors who terrorize today will vanish. But it is a pity that such a result will lead Turkey back into the old vicious cycle. Pro-coup people will go on with their lives. Put their nose into all matters of the country. Call someone "traitor" and call someone else something else. Constantly plan conspiracies and be protected by the state. Isn’t it a pity? It’s best if this investigation be rapped up and put back on track or they should pack their bags (!)
The first indictment consisting of 2,500 pages was enough to create question marks regarding the identity of people taken in custody. For, some of the organizations founders, leaders and members were fighting among themselves. Their focus was their diametrically opposing views under the national umbrella. It was difficult to label some part as "pro-coup or coup conspirator." On top of that the first indictment included thousands of personal telephone conversations rather than concrete evidence. Some of them were convincing and some smelled like a conspiracy theory. There was no concrete evidence that led to a coup. There were weapons and bombs but wasn’t there need for pro-coup people? There were Özden Örnek’s diaries but he wasn’t even a witness.
Then there were new detentions, new unexpected searches. It was as if each search led to new documents and despite the fact that the case already started it was perceived as if the investigation continued with "new searches and detentions." There were people among those taken into custody where one thought they’d never get together for such an event. This at least was the perception in the public. The indictment is talking about an incredible conspiracy theory and is drawing very strong groups into it.
The other factor drawing one’s attention in the indictment was the incredible courage of the prosecutors and their violation of accustomed investigation principles. While in another event Ğ Şemdinli Ğ prosecutors were easily punished, eyes were shut here. One other aspect we are accustomed to is that investigations are conducted by prosecutors, and searches and detentions are left to the police. This time, on the contrary, it seemed as if the police were in charge of the investigations. One other belief of the public is that in big investigations like these the administration always has a say and no prosecutor could dare taking such brave steps, especially arresting 4-star generals without the support of the administration. The leaking of information regarding investigations, which are supposed to be carried out secretly, to the pro-AKP press and its judgment therein increased fingerprints of the administration. Especially an announcement regarding the accusations against the Ministry of Education during the 12th Ergenekon wave along the lines of "They spoke to upper level members of the Ergenekon over the phone" intensified the shadow of the administration in this case.
Result: The Ergenekon case was nothing but a campaign conducted by the judiciary in the name of the AKP aiming to silence the opposition.
But the second indictment showed the seriousness of the matter: for the first time coup diaries were included. Coup preparations in 2003-2004 and real coup attempts were possibly to be brought before the court. The second indictment caused coup attempts to be viewed in a more transparent way. Allegations in the Ergenekon case have become more concrete.
Where did the 12th wave come from?
While the situation became more serious the 12th wave emerged. The Association for Supporting Contemporary Living might have been "pro-coup" in the eyes of the prosecutors but in the eyes of the secular public it is an association that provides education for poor children. The chairwoman Türkan Saylan is a person who says," Neither coup nor Shariah." The ripping into shreds of this association by the 12th wave of the investigation put everything out of balance. The same prosecutor discharging an important part of those taken into custody after their testimony was considered very strange. Suspicions of the Ergenekon case being an operation aiming to silence the opposition were raised again.
At this point people ask the same questions: How long will this go on? How far will this go?
This case has been extended so much, it has branched out so much and it has become so chaotic that it has reached a point where one doesn’t know how to get out of it. It seems extremely difficult for judges to solve such a chaotic investigation. But prosecutors seem so self-confident. They still leak information firstly to pro-AKP media and continue with detentions without considering and attaching importance to the secular public. But today criticism has expanded so much that a basic question arises: Is the AKP’s support really unlimited? I don’t think so. There are two years left until general elections. This case progressing at this speed is a sign of a danger for the case not only in secular or opposing sections of society but also for those close to the administration receiving reactions like "the methods of the prosecution are wrong."
When the Ergenekon investigation started, the AKP front was very self-confident. Pro-coup people were to be judged for the first time and those "untouchable" were to be touched. But the investigation is stretching and fails to meet its target. Governments are very realistic institutions. When things go well they provide support but when things turn around they pull the string. Ergenekon prosecutors have not much time left.
If they fail to conclude this investigation in the short run and fail to turn this case into a case in which "pro-coup people come to account," then their strings will be pulled just like the prosecutor in Şemdinli. Prosecutor Öz must have thought about this possibility when last week he said that "one day his competencies might be suspended temporarily."
The Ergenekon case will either concentrate around itself and in a narrow frame or lose speed progressively. The case will turn into the DİSK case and be forgotten slowly. And prosecutors who terrorize today will vanish. But it is a pity that such a result will lead Turkey back into the old vicious cycle. Pro-coup people will go on with their lives. Put their nose into all matters of the country. Call someone "traitor" and call someone else something else. Constantly plan conspiracies and be protected by the state. Isn’t it a pity? It’s best if this investigation be rapped up and put back on track or they should pack their bags (!)
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