Mehmet Ali Birand - English

We have again started to mix apples and oranges. We all show reaction to Israel’s massacre, killing children and people in Gaza as if trying to attract the world’s attention, not taking notice of anyone. I, for the first time in years, wrote about Israel committing a crime and the United States joining this crime. The public indignation is perfectly justified. The prime minister, too, has for the first time shown great reaction to Israel’s military movement. The AKP administration, also for the first time and at the cost of injuring relations with Israel, has a rough tongue, started campaigns and first ladies of Arab countries held a summit in Istanbul. Turkey for the first time exhibits a wide spread counter stance.

All these may seem natural in view of Israel’s attitude in Gaza. Maybe not to that extent but there are harsh reactions in Europe as well. But developments here do not stay within a defined limit. It has turned into contra-Israeli and Jew hostility. Reactions stirring from the administration have paved way for extreme pious groups to take action. Some articles in the press, some demonstrations and some banners missing the point and have hit a sour note. In some hotels, shops and restaurants we started to come across slogans stating, "Dogs, Jews and Americans are not allowed to enter." Messages, including threats and insults, sent to cellular phones of Jews who are Turkish citizens have reached a dangerous level.

As a matter of fact, the Turkish Jewish Community has for the first time in years made a public announcement. The announcement, distributed to the press with the signature of Turkish Jews says, "We, the Turkish Jews, an inseparable part of the Turkish Republic, feel deeply sorry for being exposed to expressions used by some press organs humiliating our religion, insulting us and showing us as a target." The worst thing about it is that the administration is a mere spectator as extreme religious people profit from the Gaza opportunity and promote anti-Semetic and anti-Western attitudes. Great danger is present.

Şahin's messages
He vanished in all this turbulence. Alert eyes have noticed but in public generally he was forgotten. I am talking about the parts in İbrahim Şahin’s testimony during the Ergenekon investigation that were printed in the press.

"In the last quarter of the year 2008 Cemil Çiçek had announced a new organization regarding the fight with terror. Regarding this reorganization Gen. Metin and Gen. Bekir Kalyoncu from the General Staff said that I was going to be appointed to the duties of an undersecretary. They asked my opinion about this matter. I told them I believe if the military, police and MİT worked together the fight with terror would be successful. I prepared a list of special operation police members under the age of 30 who would participate in the operation. They said ’to chose 300 people.’ I was preparing this list. The retrieved S1 relates to this."

I think that these words are very important. The reason is that this explanation came from İbrahim Şahin.

Şahin is someone who has taken on important roles since Susurluk. Even if parts of these roles are within a legal frame, the rest is very controversial. He is a police office who received punishment because of illegal actions. Now having said that, there is a whole new meaning implied in the words.

During the Susurluk investigation the police and military were so self-confident they acted as if nothing would ever happen to them. With Ergenekon the situation seems to have changed. Now there is no "untouchable" person left. Even further, in such a big case the possibility of misjudged conviction increases." Within such an environment, it is obvious that İbrahim Şahin sent a message to somebody, even if it is not clear to whom. What’s the message about?

It is as if Şahin says, "Fellows, I became involved in this because you supported me. I was deceived by your patriotic rant. Now I’m in the firing line." He adds, "You either save me from this chaos or I’ll reveal all of you. For I know you all very well." Are those receiving this message able to do anything? Can they save İbrahim Şahin as they did before? We wouldn’t know about that. In time we’ll see but İbrahim Şahin seems to be determined not to get arrested for patriotism.

The worst step for the military to take at this point is probably to take on an attitude that might hinder the Ergenekon case. Because then it might seem as if the military wants to hide something. If an action starts in that direction then no one can prevent an erosion of prestige These days I could name many people who are troubled because of their position but there is especially one whose case does not compare to anyone else’s.

I’m talking about Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ.

The Ergenekon investigation has bothered the Turkish Armed Forces, or TSK, the most. It is not spoken out loud but in between the lines members of the TSK are blamed but implied or indirectly drawn attention to the responsibility of active duty or retired officers.

The General Staff has been squeezed into a corner by some parts of society:

w Those who believe in the Ergenekon take it for granted that in some way or another, the TSK plays a role in this event. Since Susurluk the cloud overshadowing the officers has not been lifted and people want to bring them to account.

w The secular part of society blames the General Staff for its passiveness in view of the developments. Especially one portion of the secular part is even fiercer. This portion says that the military stayed idle for years and went no further than observing. It claims that Turkey is being lost.

w The TSK spits fire regarding this course. The present situation with Ergenekon and developments in this country bother active duty officers immensely. They especially cannot accept that retired commanders are being taken into custody and put on trial by a civil prosecutor.

w Retired officers also spit fire. Taking their retired fellow soldiers into custody creates great reactions. These reactions are not limited to brisk fights in officer’s clubs or meetings organized among them. Loud speeches are being held that reach the general staff.

w In the press, the General Staff receives criticism on all fronts. A crossfire situation seems to be present. Of course all responsibility is piled up in front of the door of the first Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ.

The Chief of General Staff needs to find a balance in between these different views.

First of all the General Staff does not want to be viewed as an institution that hinders the Ergenekon investigation or that drags its feet during the legal period. Whatever the law says is being done. No objection is made while generals are taken into custody. Police with proper paperwork are not kicked out.

But reactions from inside and outside the institution are very harsh. Gen. Başbuğ does not change his attitude despite reverberations from the military about officers being dragged to places they are used to seeing civilians be dragged. He does not cause any problems for the Ergenekon investigations but merely "does fine tuning" behind closed doors on the prime ministerial level.

Besides, what further reaction could he show?

Those who want the military to interfere blindly and believe that this is the best choice say, "We want a more active attitude," but they don’t see or deny seeing that in today’s climate old fashioned intervention is over.

Making promises or showing solidarity in any way by the Chief of Staff regarding Ergenekon or detained generals is interpreted as the TSK taking action in order to protect its fellow soldiers. There, we are passing such a difficult period.

Transparency in military will change the balance

Wonder if there is any other option?

What can be done to eliminate doubts in the minds of a portion of the public and change this course?

The worst step to take at this point is probably to take on an attitude that might hinder the case, whether you believe in Ergenekon or not. Because then it might seem as if the TSK wants to hide something. If an action starts in that direction then no one can prevent an erosion of prestige. Such a danger is present and that is why the right approach is Gen. Başbuğ wanting to carry out his relation with the administration in declarations before the public.

Well then, does this suffice?

Can the course be changed by not speaking in a loud voice and openly, or by setting forth criticism behind closed doors? For let’s not forget that this case will last long and more dirt will be dug up. Maybe new evidence will be found.

This is probably what keeps Gen. Başbuğ busy. How can the TSK be saved from attrition within this period?

I have a suggestion in this regard. But I am also expecting my reader’s views. Maybe we can come to a consensus.

Please write to me, I’m waiting.

The split mindedness of the public regarding Ergenekon is growing. Investigators and administrators know for sure what they are doing. But for the sake of "impartiality" they do not want to speak about it and developments are not communicated very well to the public. It is not clear what it is trying to be done. What’s worse is that the event is becoming more and more political. One portion of society believes that the power of the opposition acting to "protect the Republic’s values" is trying to be eliminated. Another portion believes that those who want to force the Armed Forces to interfere by creating chaos in society are caught. Until now there were 10 or 11 waves of detentions. The overall expectation or belief is that we have come to the end of these waves. I don’t think so. My impression is that doors opened by the investigation with each detention and search will not be closed by saying "That’s enough now." I believe there will be a more important wave that we will face after a while. Speculations regarding Ergenekon are being watched with unease by even those who are involved in the investigations. But for different reasons "administrators of the case" keep quiet and confine to themselves by saying, "Now it’s the judges’s turn." But they should not forget that more questions arise. I don’t know what will come out of the second indictment. But data in the public’s eye so far does not suffice to draw a strict line between "just opposing the government or being a member of a criminal organization" and does not show concrete evidence. It would be great if new evidence and the new indictment soon to be announced replaces the weak element in the chain with a concrete link. Otherwise the Ergenekon investigation will not reach the expected result (at least where it was supposed to get).

AKP, on a split road to the EU
The most important indication that the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, is on a split road regarding full membership in the European Union is that Egemen Bağış has been appointed as EU chief negotiator. This party seems to have two options: The first approach is to let the period pass while continuing to move slowly. The second is to start revival of operations in a serious way. It is not sure which of the options Egemen Bağış is hinting to accept. The AKP has put negotiations on hold since 2006 for unique reasons. Neither excitement nor severity is left on AKP’s side regarding this subject. With Abdullah Gül’s appointment to Çankaya it seems like the file has been put on the shelf. Mr. President may claim the opposite but he will not convince the Turkish public or experts in Brussels.

Bağış’s appointment as chief negotiator is in this respect pretty interesting. As if preparations have started for a new definition and the AKP will, after local elections, really surprise us all with new ventures in this matter. Files will be recovered from dusty shelves and bureaucracy activated. If the Prime Minister did not want to disturb today’s negotiation rhythm he wouldn’t have appointed Bağış. He would have preferred to walk along with Babacan. He would have succeeded in telling us that the Minister of foreign affairs does not have enough time left among all his duties for the EU. This slowed down motion also makes the EU happy. See, the Czechs also during the presidential elections have announced that they will try to submit two more topics for negotiations. It is understood that according to these calculations two topics are being presented during each presidential period (every six months). With this pace it will take the topics (if the green light is given for those on hold) until 2014 to arrive on the negotiation table. I perceive, or would like to do so, Bağış’s appointment as part of a decision to accelerate EU negotiations. I hope I’m not wrong.

Let’s not forget that firing this man is not easy from Erdoğan’s point of view. This decision was taken despite the risk of hurting Babacan, whom he likes and appreciates very much and despite the risk of objections and creating internal unease by taking away the responsibility of chief negotiator from the ministry of foreign affairs. People from many different circles in Ankara say that Bağış does not have good knowledge about the EU, he is pro-United States, and thus is not a good choice. I don’t agree.

The chief negotiator must have an excellent knowledge regarding the EU. His foremost strengths stir from his proximity to the person making decisions, being a good organizer and being gifted and balanced in negations. Bağış is very close to the Prime Minister and his political weight is based on his proximity to him. His ability to make bureaucracy and respective ministries work depends on support from the Prime Minister. What is left for him to reveal is his international knowledge and gift in negotiations, which, if lack thereof exists, he can cover up by bringing local and international experts with him. In the end everything revolves around the question whether or not the Prime Minister has really made a decision. If Erdoğan really is serious about fixing doubts and concerns in the minds of the people regarding his party pulling the country into a different direction, or if he is serious about keeping the promises he gave when his party came to power, then Bağış is the right choice. Bağış has the right gear to see this through. As long as the opposite is proven we will not withhold our support.

Some of Turkey’s most repeated, biggest lies are the following: The slogan, "Leave yourself to the caring arms of justice;" the clichŽ, "Trust the police who will take you under their wings and protect you;" and the most brilliant, "Justice will certainly find the truth and determine who is right and who is wrong." Events within the frame of the Ergenekon proved all these slogans completely wrong. Those who know the truth don’t believe in these clichŽs anyway. They view the following treatment as normal since they know it never changes.

There is another part of society that doesn’t even mind bad and boorish treatment of the accused. On the contrary they defend violence at police stations. They don’t believe in the rights of the accused or murderers. I’d like to touch on the reaction of the portion of society that has never come into contact with the police or the judiciary. We could call them "the naive part." They were never interrogated by police, or never filed a complaint, never went to a police station, never went before a judge or before court in their life.

People, if invited they would normally show up for testimony, were busted in their homes during early morning hoursÉ personal information was taken from their homes and offices during the search which sometimes lasted for hours É their telephone was tapped... their personal lives infiltratedÉ Images were presented while these people were dragged out of their homes or investigations, the events staged as if to provide more shots for TV cameras É People’s heads were held down while crammed into police cars É unrelated information was leaked to the pressÉ in the end, even if they were proven innocent they were labeled guilty from the first moment thanks to this mechanism.

The trial period is even worse.

Ambiguous allegations in the filesÉ not known if they can be counted as evidenceÉ etcÉ etcÉ

The naive part watches in a terrified way.

With interest I watch those who say, "Can people who are not proven guilty be treated like this? Can they be detained for months without being accused of anything? What kind of accusation is this?" They don’t know that these events are not that extraordinary. In fact, headlines in the newspapers are reflecting what people in this country have had to put up with for years.

It reveals the judiciary scandal.

These procedures that are against human rights and that have attracted the attention of a wide portion of society only because well known names are involved are nothing out of the ordinary within the natural process of the Turkish judiciary. As a matter of fact, these procedures are realized in a more delicate and careful way because the detainees in this case are VIPs.

Imagine being a normal citizen.

Oh my God.

It’s a simple matter to be taken into custody and give up your life. Even if you’re right, before you know it you’d be wiped out.

As if these were not enough you’d be insulted and beaten up.

It is obvious how much the Turkish security and judiciary system needs to be improved.

We can neither talk about real justice nor about "the caring hands of the judiciary."

To save one’s own life, to escape the hands of security without being dishonored or treated badly and insulted is a miracle or great chance. The European Union does not stump its feet for nothing saying "a judiciary reform is necessary."

The country’s direction will not change as long as it is not prevented that prosecutors behave as they please and prepare each file in such a way that "the judge dismisses it," as long as files are not being examined properly before a trial, as long as no healthy ground and finances are provided for prosecutors, as long as the judiciary system is not changed from the ground up and police not told the meaning of being human and maintaining of relations.

As long as our people are despised we cannot trust the judiciary or police. We need the police and the judiciary to attach importance to humans.

If we are not able to do this, then let’s not get upset with these events.

I know the importance of the Ergenekon affair. I want the opportunity, which we missed during the Susurluk investigation, to be caught this time. But what makes our minds split are the repulsiveness, coarseness and non-persuasive detentions of the investigation Hasan Cemal’s article last Friday was very important.

He states, "the Ergenekon investigation should not be underestimated. It should be seen as a very important event that the judiciary has started to touch places considered ’above the law’ or else the country would have run upside down with assassinations, political murder and bombs in order to ’pave the way for a military coup’É Try to understand the ammunition stores uncovered in Gölbaşı, Sapanca and Ümraniye within this frameÉ OK let’s criticize the Ergenekon investigation, the injustice applied during judgment and repulsiveness. Let’s press for a fair trialÉ but let’s not mix apples and orangesÉ please don’t be so naive. This country can’t handle naivetyÉ" (Jan. 10, 2009 Milliyet)

I mostly agree with Hasan Cemal but one part I took personally. I discovered a message in the article for myself. Including me, who knows what the Ergenekon affair means, and those who were hurt by the Ergenekon people back in time, Hasan calls out to those criticizing the coarseness of the investigation and the case, implying "don’t be so naive." I very well understand what Cemal trying to say. But on the other hand my mind is split regarding the Ergenekon investigation.

I know the importance of this affair. I want the opportunity, which we missed during the Susurluk investigation, to be caught this time. I know about the dirty jobs some of the detainees got involved in within the frame of the Susurluk affair. In this country there are groups that plan murder in the name of their motherland and groups that plan conspiracies in the name of the state, even if they are not related in a concrete way to one another. I believe that this conduct has to be stopped. Especially when I remember how in the past some people included in Ergenekon, associations or groups, made life unbearable for me and my family and how I barely escaped death then this case becomes even more important for me. But for some time the conduct and administration of the investigation has bothered me.

What makes our minds split, me and those thinking like me, are repulsiveness, coarseness and non-persuasive detentions of the investigation. Actually, as Hasan Cemal puts it, apples and oranges are about to be mixed up, but are we the ones mixing them or is it those who conduct the investigation? Everything is so bizarre, relations trying to be established between groups and people are so weak and allegations in some cases are so far from plausibility that one can’t help but be skeptical.

Apples and oranges are mixed by Ergenekon investigators
I suspect that apples and oranges are being mixed by some people Ñ those conducting the investigation and those influencing from outside the judiciary, as either formal or informal groups. Yes, things being mixed up. I suspect that those mixing apples and oranges are conducting the Ergenekon affair so wrongly, carelessly and boorishly that there won’t be an important result in the end and such a case will never be opened in Turkey again.

That’s why I want to warn those really mixing apples and oranges. I want to say, "Put this investigation on the right track before it’s too late. Don’t mix radical opposition with real conspirators." Besides let’s not forget that applied practices do not conform to the European Court of Human Rights and thus European Union norms.

Let’s remember the first step in the investigation. The points in question were extremely important allegations. Expectations were also extremely high. During these types of investigations there are surely erroneous evaluations taking place. But if inconclusive continuous detentions continue, if there is no real relation between people and events, if no concrete evidence persists, if people are arrested without knowing what they are accused of, if during detention roughness and harshness persists that bothers the public, then necessarily criticism grows.

The administration is busy pouring cold water on this
Let’s take a look at the administration. They make such statements and hold such speeches from time to time that they create an atmosphere as if they are pressuring the jurisdiction. They increase their expectation regarding the Ergenekon investigation in such a way and defend themselves so much that among the public the Ergenekon case becomes more and more a political issue. Virtually it strengthens the impression that a power conflict or regime struggle exists.

I’d like to repeat É. I do not perceive Ergenekon as an empty investigation and I don’t want to see it that way. In no way am I underestimating it. But if not put on the right track soon, I think it might turn into a big fiasco. My sole expectations are this be handled accordingly and that the case may have a persuasive effect on the conscience of the public. I too want the apples and oranges not to be mixedÉ If those responsible don’t mix apples and oranges there won’t be any confusion in the public as well.

Questions in the mind of the public grow. Maybe I touch on the same points over and over but we have come to a very important stage. Explanations made by the Istanbul law society and the judicial milieu are very serious and the Ergenekon investigation and trial period bring about such a harsh criticism for the procedure applied by the prosecutor that doubts and concerns are deepening in the public opinion.

? Is there new evidence and concrete data that the prosecutor knows about but does not reveal? ? Why is the public not being told in some way that some people known to be "sharp-tongued" have gathered and formed a terror organization in order to overthrow the state? ? Or are we facing huge incompetency and disorder by the prosecution?

Ergenekon was about to be forgotten but all of a sudden it was revived again. The overall expectation was in the line of that this case, based on obscure accusations, would last long and fall off the agenda. This mood has promptly changed. Those taken into custody are names that the public knows well. Their mutual point is in opposing the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, administration stiffly. Undisguised speeches and words said on TV shows reflected the belief that the AKP wanted to overthrow the secular system and these people showed a clear effort to prevent this conduct. But have these efforts gone as far as getting involved in a conspiracy toward a military coup or have they stayed in a frame of natural opposition as expected in a democratic country?

See, at least part of the public believes that the Ergenekon trial is directed toward quieting opposition voices. If those taken into custody really commit crimes by being involved in illegal operations and conspiracies, and trying to overthrow the administration, we need to see this in a concrete way. Nothing can be achieved based on some phone calls and friendship that smells coincidental. What’s worse is that this will open such a wound in the public that no one ever would take another step in this direction. Turkey’s dark corners won’t be lit anymore.

It’ll be helpful to take these doubts seriously. For concrete evidence in the allegations does not suffice. It is obvious that the prosecution office did not do anything in order to prepare the public or make them believe. We are on a very important line here. A wrong step taken will hurt us all. The public naturally has the right to know what is going on.

Russia and Ukraine push one another, we pay
The same fight has been going on since 1995. But recently the bill for this fight has been made out to Europe and to us as well. Every new year, Russia and the Ukraine fight over natural gas. Russian natural gas is sent to Europe and Turkey through the Ukraine. The Ukrainian use some portion of the gas that passes through their territory for their own needs. The problem arises from the price that the Ukraine is being charged. Some time ago, gas sold to Europe by Russia was around $400; while it offered it to the Ukraine for $250 and proposed installments regarding Ukraine’s past dues of $1.5 billion. But the Ukraine saying it will not pay more than $201 and insisting on spreading old dues over a long time period once more ended in a conflict. As Russia cut off the gas in order to punish and force the Ukraine into an agreement, Turkey and Europe on the end of the pipe became victims.

Grounds for this monetary fight lie in politics. Russia is very much annoyed by the Ukraine’s attempts for a full membership in NATO and the European Union. Moscow, evaluating the encroachment of the United States and Europe as an increased NATO threat, openly plans on punishing Ukraine’s pro-West president, Victor Yushchenko. It is extremely difficult to determine who is right and who is wrong. And accounts are so complicated that it is impossible to solve.

But no matter from which angle you look at this incident, the last invoice will be paid by Russia. Europe and Turkey will give way to their mistrust regarding energy matters. From now on no one will believe Russia’s words "Trust us. We’ll consistently provide you with energy." Moscow openly plays its energy card for political purposes. It sends a message to the West saying, "Don’t accept the Ukraine" and also tells the Ukraine, "Stop trying to enter NATO." Otherwise Moscow will spoil Ukraine’s pleasure of using the gas and force the Ukraine to live in the cold. I believe the messages are delivered.

The EU went into an uproar. Negotiations have been taken up again. One of them will give up and come to a consensus but it is helpful to know upfront that the same fight will come again next new year. Valves will be turned off and we’ll remain in the cold. Russia is back on the international scene. Only this time it is not showing its strength solely with its missiles and army, but with its more dangerous energy weapon.