Renew the ’left’ or be left out
Güncelleme Tarihi:
Oluşturulma Tarihi: Haziran 19, 2009 09:13
We must applaud the lone socialist deputy in Parliament, Ufuk Uras, for his decision to resign from the leftist Freedom and Solidarity Party, or ÖDP, as part of his hope to reconceptualize the political left in Turkey.
This is not because we have any illusion that the left will have all the answers to all of Turkey’s problems. We believe in the power of thoughtfully regulated markets and seek to make our contribution to the country’s economic development through what we have called "informational integration" with the regional and world economy. Readers of the Economic Review section understand well our commitment to smart capitalism.
We are encouraged by Uras’ move for two reasons.
First, Turkey does not really have a tradition of political parties in the European sense. Rather, parties tend to function as patronage networks: command and control oriented, hierarchical and usually at the beck and whim of a single charismatic (sometimes less charismatic) leader. So Turkey has at least two rivals to the "social democrat" main opposition Peoples’ Republican Party, or CHP, that scarcely differ in policy outlook. Outside of parliament are the two "center-left" parties, the Motherland Party with the acronym ANAVATAN and the Democrat Party, or DP. If there is an ideological shade of difference between them, we can’t discern it. And there are other clusters of skirmishing parties with the same ostensible agenda.
We would argue the only political parties in Turkey approaching the contemporary definition are the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, or perhaps the nationalist National Movement Party, or MHP. Their successes are as much in their structure and organization as anything else. So we would like to see the left embrace a modern conceptualization of political organization. Political tribalism has not served Turkish democracy.
We would also like to see the emergence of a left that understands that we are living in 2009, not 1975. Segolene Royal understands this in France. Barack Obama understands this in the United States. Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez may not get it, but Brazil’s Lula Da Silva does. The "it" is the importance of global trade, of innovation, of technology and yes, of markets as the creators of value. The contemporary left may differ with the right on taxation, labor rights, the environment, industrial policy, social support or many other things. But they have long abandoned antique notions of state dominance, command economics, massive bureaucracy or seeing business as "the enemy."
When the world emerges from its current recession caused in no so measure by economic liberalism gone awry, we can be sure that new models will be the order of the day. Modern socialists will no doubt have a hand in designing these models. Turkey’s left should be ready. Uras’ initiative may help it prepare.
We are encouraged by Uras’ move for two reasons.
First, Turkey does not really have a tradition of political parties in the European sense. Rather, parties tend to function as patronage networks: command and control oriented, hierarchical and usually at the beck and whim of a single charismatic (sometimes less charismatic) leader. So Turkey has at least two rivals to the "social democrat" main opposition Peoples’ Republican Party, or CHP, that scarcely differ in policy outlook. Outside of parliament are the two "center-left" parties, the Motherland Party with the acronym ANAVATAN and the Democrat Party, or DP. If there is an ideological shade of difference between them, we can’t discern it. And there are other clusters of skirmishing parties with the same ostensible agenda.
We would argue the only political parties in Turkey approaching the contemporary definition are the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, or perhaps the nationalist National Movement Party, or MHP. Their successes are as much in their structure and organization as anything else. So we would like to see the left embrace a modern conceptualization of political organization. Political tribalism has not served Turkish democracy.
We would also like to see the emergence of a left that understands that we are living in 2009, not 1975. Segolene Royal understands this in France. Barack Obama understands this in the United States. Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez may not get it, but Brazil’s Lula Da Silva does. The "it" is the importance of global trade, of innovation, of technology and yes, of markets as the creators of value. The contemporary left may differ with the right on taxation, labor rights, the environment, industrial policy, social support or many other things. But they have long abandoned antique notions of state dominance, command economics, massive bureaucracy or seeing business as "the enemy."
When the world emerges from its current recession caused in no so measure by economic liberalism gone awry, we can be sure that new models will be the order of the day. Modern socialists will no doubt have a hand in designing these models. Turkey’s left should be ready. Uras’ initiative may help it prepare.