In a fast shrinking world of their own
Güncelleme Tarihi:
Hurriyet Daily News
Oluşturulma Tarihi: Haziran 06, 2009 00:00
ISTANBUL - The rise of the religious class and the AKP’s hold on power has Turkey’s traditional elites on the defensive and feeling like their role as upholders of Republican values is being usurped, according to research based on interviews with the former movers and shakers.
Elites in Turkey are shocked and angry about the ascent of the religious class, and while they say they feel an affiliation with the country’s non-Muslim minorities, they admit ignorance of their problems, new research has revealed.
The research, supported by the Open Society Foundation, was conducted via interviews with 21 women and 19 men over the age of 18.
The aim was to catch a glimpse of perceptions of people who graduated from prestigious high schools and universities, who have high levels of income and status in their profession and in society, and see themselves as carriers of secular, Republican values. The research concentrated in three areas: the group’s outlook on Islamic circles, non-Muslim minorities as defined by the Lausanne Treaty, and the Kurds.
Among the factors that triggered the research were heated debates within e-mail groups about the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, the murder of Armenian Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, and developments in the Kurdish issue. These debates have polarized groups of people who joined e-mail groups because they believed they shared the same values.
Researchers Füsun Üstel and Birol Caymaz, both from Galatasaray University, said their research does not carry the ambition of explaining the outlook of the whole group concerned but aims to give some clues to certain tendencies. According to the findings, there is clear-cut irritation against the ascent of the Islamic circles often identified in the AKP. They are shocked by the increasing presence and visibility of these groups in society as well as in the administration.
"One day they opened their windows, and they saw people with headscarves everywhere," said Caymaz. According to the researchers, this group, which has monopolized the modernization process of Turkey and see themselves as the carriers of Republican values, feels increasingly insecure and in the minority amid the growth of the "newcomers."
They are convinced that there is an unfair "invasion-occupation" of what they believe belongs to them, he said.
"They are dismayed by the Turkey they see, and they are angry," said Üstel.
Most who see themselves as representatives of modernity believe Turkey’s progress stopped with the ascent of the AKP government, which in turn has led to "modernization nostalgia," a term used by Esra Özyürek, another researcher whose analysis is quoted in the research. According to Özyürek, "modern Kemalists believe there is a collapse of modernity in Turkey and to be modern again they want to go back to some characteristics of the 1930s."
Anger against the AKP, the headscarf issue and the Islamic lifestyle also stems from the fear that the elites’ monopoly over Turkey’s economic and political life is threatened by another group, said Özyürek.
In this respect most of the interviewees said they are convinced the AKP is a political structure founded against the Republican secular system. The research showed that the general view among them is that the AKP should be closed. Although most have voiced skepticism of the democratic characteristic of party closures, when it comes to the AKP they seem to prefer such a solution, concluded the researchers. The researchers have also seen that most do not see a regime problem in Turkey, instead they complain about the increasing conservatism that has gained impetus under the AKP government.
Janet, 43, a graduate of Austrian Lycee and Boğaziçi University, believes Turkey could become like Iran and Malaysia, and Ayla, 40, said openly that she is scared. "I have two daughters. One of their friends was not allowed on a bus because her dress was found to be too revealing," said Ayla. "If something like that happens in Ankara, I fear that worse pressure is exerted in small towns." All names of interviewees have been changed.
Melek, 47, voiced her concern on cronyism: "In the past there was cronyism, too, but it included people like us, so we did not feel it so much. Now there are different people involved in the cronyism, and therefore we are more aware of it. Those who have been on the fringes of society have suddenly got hold of power. This is dangerous. When you look at the AKP cadres, they are those who have been oppressed until now and who never had this chance before."
The research showed that the young generations are less radical in their criticism against the AKP compared with their elders. Cansu, 23, does not share what she calls "the paranoia that Shariah law will come," but she believes that the AKP is trying to impose a lifestyle based on religious references. "There are many bureaucrats whose wives wear veils," she said as an example.
Lausanne minorities
When it comes to the perceptions concerning non-Muslims, the researchers describe their observation of the situation as "a romantic relationship." Most in this group have a non-Muslim colleague or friend, but there is a lack of awareness of the problems they face.
The murder of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink has polarized the elites, as some only became aware of minorities’ problems when debates erupted following Dink’s assassination. According to interviewee Begüm, problems became apparent after the murder, but "until then there was nothing."
According to the researchers, there is a rising rhetoric of multiculturalism among the elites, which is also tainted by nostalgic feelings of the past when the number of non-Muslims was bigger. "Most see it as a richness to be protected," said Üstel.
But they are unaware of the discrimination that minorities face. "I don’t know whether a Turk in Germany is better off then a Jew in Turkey," said Neveser, 51, who believed minorities have no problem in Turkey. But she admits her ignorance when reminded that except state universities, minority members are excluded from public offices. "Do they really want? I don’t know. I am quiet ignorant on the subject," she said.
Meanwhile, some perceive non-Muslim minority members as "local foreigners." When asked about the obligation to have a Turkish deputy lead the administration of minority schools, Ali, 23, who graduated from Dame De Sion High School and the University of Galatasaray, said: "Maybe this is to decrease the perception of the threat of foreigners in Turkey. Maybe this is done so that education is not out of the control of the Turks."
Sevcan, 38, of Kadıköy Anadolu Lisesi, said she does not believe that there are discriminatory policies against minorities. To the contrary, she said she believes they are selling the country.
Ending the silence on discussing minority problems ends in itself with rising nationalist tendencies. Ali, 23, said he has no problems with Armenian friends whom he went to school with since childhood. But he recalled an Armenian who joined Dame de Sion High School after having attended a minority school and the negative experience they had. "He and his other Armenian friends who went to minority schools had a harder stance toward us. They were blaming us. Then I thought education must be truly national. What is the function of an Armenian school? An Armenian can come to school with me and go to learn Armenian at night."
When it comes to Kurds, the perception of the elites carries striking differences compared to their perceptions of non-Muslim minorities. First, in contrast to the interaction that elites had with members of minorities, Kurds are absent in their lives. There is a problem of proximity, according to the researchers, since there is low probability for the physical presence of Kurds in a group that has graduated from "prestigious institutions" with high-level income. Leyla, 30, does not recall having a Kurdish friend. "I heard nothing like, ’I am a Kurd.’ I don’t know," she said. "It’s not written on their face."
Lack of awareness
Mine, 51, only became aware of Kurds due to the "PKK problem," or the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party. "I never questioned whether someone was Turkish or Kurdish," she said.
The elites see the Kurds as the backward part of society, according to the researchers. Doğan, who is a graduate of Robert College and Boğaziçi University, said he does not like Kurds because they still live a tribal life.
The lack of awareness stems from the denial of Kurdish identity in the official discourse, according to the researchers. This, in turn, led many elites to believe that the "Kurdish problem" is engineered from abroad. According to Ebru, 23, who graduated from İzmir American College, the Kurdish issue is an issue definitely provoked by the United States and Europe.
"As far as nationalism is concerned there is not much difference between the elites and the ordinary person," said Üstel. "Maybe their discourse is less violent when compared with the ordinary man on the street." The tendency to avoid and ignore different identities in society stems largely from the Turkish education system, according to researchers Üstel and Caymaz. They said the education curriculum implemented after the 1980 military coup has affected millions of people, including those who studied at "prestigious schools."
The research, supported by the Open Society Foundation, was conducted via interviews with 21 women and 19 men over the age of 18.
The aim was to catch a glimpse of perceptions of people who graduated from prestigious high schools and universities, who have high levels of income and status in their profession and in society, and see themselves as carriers of secular, Republican values. The research concentrated in three areas: the group’s outlook on Islamic circles, non-Muslim minorities as defined by the Lausanne Treaty, and the Kurds.
Among the factors that triggered the research were heated debates within e-mail groups about the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, the murder of Armenian Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, and developments in the Kurdish issue. These debates have polarized groups of people who joined e-mail groups because they believed they shared the same values.
Researchers Füsun Üstel and Birol Caymaz, both from Galatasaray University, said their research does not carry the ambition of explaining the outlook of the whole group concerned but aims to give some clues to certain tendencies. According to the findings, there is clear-cut irritation against the ascent of the Islamic circles often identified in the AKP. They are shocked by the increasing presence and visibility of these groups in society as well as in the administration.
"One day they opened their windows, and they saw people with headscarves everywhere," said Caymaz. According to the researchers, this group, which has monopolized the modernization process of Turkey and see themselves as the carriers of Republican values, feels increasingly insecure and in the minority amid the growth of the "newcomers."
They are convinced that there is an unfair "invasion-occupation" of what they believe belongs to them, he said.
"They are dismayed by the Turkey they see, and they are angry," said Üstel.
Most who see themselves as representatives of modernity believe Turkey’s progress stopped with the ascent of the AKP government, which in turn has led to "modernization nostalgia," a term used by Esra Özyürek, another researcher whose analysis is quoted in the research. According to Özyürek, "modern Kemalists believe there is a collapse of modernity in Turkey and to be modern again they want to go back to some characteristics of the 1930s."
Anger against the AKP, the headscarf issue and the Islamic lifestyle also stems from the fear that the elites’ monopoly over Turkey’s economic and political life is threatened by another group, said Özyürek.
In this respect most of the interviewees said they are convinced the AKP is a political structure founded against the Republican secular system. The research showed that the general view among them is that the AKP should be closed. Although most have voiced skepticism of the democratic characteristic of party closures, when it comes to the AKP they seem to prefer such a solution, concluded the researchers. The researchers have also seen that most do not see a regime problem in Turkey, instead they complain about the increasing conservatism that has gained impetus under the AKP government.
Janet, 43, a graduate of Austrian Lycee and Boğaziçi University, believes Turkey could become like Iran and Malaysia, and Ayla, 40, said openly that she is scared. "I have two daughters. One of their friends was not allowed on a bus because her dress was found to be too revealing," said Ayla. "If something like that happens in Ankara, I fear that worse pressure is exerted in small towns." All names of interviewees have been changed.
Melek, 47, voiced her concern on cronyism: "In the past there was cronyism, too, but it included people like us, so we did not feel it so much. Now there are different people involved in the cronyism, and therefore we are more aware of it. Those who have been on the fringes of society have suddenly got hold of power. This is dangerous. When you look at the AKP cadres, they are those who have been oppressed until now and who never had this chance before."
The research showed that the young generations are less radical in their criticism against the AKP compared with their elders. Cansu, 23, does not share what she calls "the paranoia that Shariah law will come," but she believes that the AKP is trying to impose a lifestyle based on religious references. "There are many bureaucrats whose wives wear veils," she said as an example.
Lausanne minorities
When it comes to the perceptions concerning non-Muslims, the researchers describe their observation of the situation as "a romantic relationship." Most in this group have a non-Muslim colleague or friend, but there is a lack of awareness of the problems they face.
The murder of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink has polarized the elites, as some only became aware of minorities’ problems when debates erupted following Dink’s assassination. According to interviewee Begüm, problems became apparent after the murder, but "until then there was nothing."
According to the researchers, there is a rising rhetoric of multiculturalism among the elites, which is also tainted by nostalgic feelings of the past when the number of non-Muslims was bigger. "Most see it as a richness to be protected," said Üstel.
But they are unaware of the discrimination that minorities face. "I don’t know whether a Turk in Germany is better off then a Jew in Turkey," said Neveser, 51, who believed minorities have no problem in Turkey. But she admits her ignorance when reminded that except state universities, minority members are excluded from public offices. "Do they really want? I don’t know. I am quiet ignorant on the subject," she said.
Meanwhile, some perceive non-Muslim minority members as "local foreigners." When asked about the obligation to have a Turkish deputy lead the administration of minority schools, Ali, 23, who graduated from Dame De Sion High School and the University of Galatasaray, said: "Maybe this is to decrease the perception of the threat of foreigners in Turkey. Maybe this is done so that education is not out of the control of the Turks."
Sevcan, 38, of Kadıköy Anadolu Lisesi, said she does not believe that there are discriminatory policies against minorities. To the contrary, she said she believes they are selling the country.
Ending the silence on discussing minority problems ends in itself with rising nationalist tendencies. Ali, 23, said he has no problems with Armenian friends whom he went to school with since childhood. But he recalled an Armenian who joined Dame de Sion High School after having attended a minority school and the negative experience they had. "He and his other Armenian friends who went to minority schools had a harder stance toward us. They were blaming us. Then I thought education must be truly national. What is the function of an Armenian school? An Armenian can come to school with me and go to learn Armenian at night."
When it comes to Kurds, the perception of the elites carries striking differences compared to their perceptions of non-Muslim minorities. First, in contrast to the interaction that elites had with members of minorities, Kurds are absent in their lives. There is a problem of proximity, according to the researchers, since there is low probability for the physical presence of Kurds in a group that has graduated from "prestigious institutions" with high-level income. Leyla, 30, does not recall having a Kurdish friend. "I heard nothing like, ’I am a Kurd.’ I don’t know," she said. "It’s not written on their face."
Lack of awareness
Mine, 51, only became aware of Kurds due to the "PKK problem," or the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party. "I never questioned whether someone was Turkish or Kurdish," she said.
The elites see the Kurds as the backward part of society, according to the researchers. Doğan, who is a graduate of Robert College and Boğaziçi University, said he does not like Kurds because they still live a tribal life.
The lack of awareness stems from the denial of Kurdish identity in the official discourse, according to the researchers. This, in turn, led many elites to believe that the "Kurdish problem" is engineered from abroad. According to Ebru, 23, who graduated from İzmir American College, the Kurdish issue is an issue definitely provoked by the United States and Europe.
"As far as nationalism is concerned there is not much difference between the elites and the ordinary person," said Üstel. "Maybe their discourse is less violent when compared with the ordinary man on the street." The tendency to avoid and ignore different identities in society stems largely from the Turkish education system, according to researchers Üstel and Caymaz. They said the education curriculum implemented after the 1980 military coup has affected millions of people, including those who studied at "prestigious schools."