Oluşturulma Tarihi: Mart 13, 2006 11:54
Milosevic had already been tried in the hearts of many before he came before the United Nations War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague. I do not think there was a single person who was waiting for the decision by the court to prove that it was Milosevic's signature under the orders for massacres and attacks in Yugoslovia over so many years. But just as Milosovic's life created problems for others, so has his death.
Even if the fight for justice is to continue in the War Crimes Tribunal, Milosevic's death has weakened this court, the most important court to be set up in Europe since the Nuremburg trials. The completion of this particular trial was very important, if for no other reason than the fact that the International Criminal Court (ICC) which was set up in Lahey in 2002 (with the support of 100 countries excluding the US) was waiting for the results from the Yugoslavia proceedings so that it could take its first strengthened steps. The trials that are set to open up in the ICC dealing with genocides in Rwanda, Sudan (Darfur), and the Congo were all going to take the Milosevic proceedings as an example. The ICC is also a potential factor in trials for those responsible for some of the violence in Iraq in the last 3 years.
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Arguments over some of the mistakes made during Milosevic's trial will definitely be helpful for the future. Already, there has been much criticism aimed at the way the trial dragged on due to the fact that Milosevic elected to defend himself, and at the way the incidents which took place in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosova were all taken up one by one for examination.
Some circles are already trying to paint Milosevic as the victim here. There are in fact many questions which have arisen with his death, for example, the fact that treatment for his heart condition was not made readily available, or the fact that his cell was not adequately observed, especially in the wake of last week's Croatian war crimes suspect, Milan Babic.
It is definite that Serbia's main opposition Radikal Party and Milosevic's own Socialist Party will not let the opportunity to make Milosevic into a national hero, especially with Kosovo's autonomy on the agenda, and the upcoming April referendum on Montenegro's separation from Serbia. The situation also affects the capture and trial of Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, which has now become even more important for the European Court, but which is now more difficult than ever. But the European Union, just two days ago, gave Belgrade a four week ultimatum. If Karadzic is not handed over within this time frame, the European Union will shelve talks with Serbia regarding its possible entry into the EU. We will see in coming days whether or not this is an effective threat.
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The reiteration at last week's EU meeting in Salzburg of the desire to expand into the Balkans with offers of full EU membership was an important one. It shows that the EU, despite all the arguments and inward-focus of late, is still determined to expand. This is critical, because just as the Iraq War has managed to radicalize the Middle East even more than it was before, Milosevic's death in his cell in the Hague will also radicalize the Balkans. Yugoslavia, which split up 15 years ago, still continues to pose a serious threat to the security of Europe.